更新日:2013/08/02
企画者（高田）と話題提供者らは，相互行為における応答可能性(ability of response)が基礎となり，子どもと養育者の双方が責任(responsibility)を徐々に発達させると考えて，責任が文化的に形成される仕組みを探求してきた．このシンポジウムはその成果について報告するものである．いうまでもなく「責任」は，人文・社会科学においてもっとも重要な概念の1つである．たとえば刑法では，行為者の意図の有無は，その行為がもたらした結果についての責任を決定的に左右する．だが行為者の意図，さらには自由意志と関連づけて責任の概念を規定することには，さまざまな理論的な困難が伴う．これに対して私たちの研究グループでは，具体的な相互行為における行為の呼応(call and response)を可能にする，行為間の関連性(relevance)に責任の基盤をみいだそうとする．
これまでの共同研究の成果に基づきながら，本シンポジウムが提起している問題についての以下のような概説を行う．私たちが責任の基盤として想定した行為間の関連性は，以下のような養育者子ども間相互行為(CCI)にあらわれる．
(1) 責任1：明確な社会的意味のやりとりには至っていない相互行為における応答．いいかえれば，(2)の前提条件(prerequisite)としてとらえられる応答（たとえば，養育者の「はいどうぞ」といった発話・身振りによる呼びかけに対して，その社会的意味や意図の理解なしに子どもが視線を合わせるような行為）．
(2) 責任2：隣接対（会話分析の用語で，対となる2つの行為のことを指す．第3節を参照）をなす発話の交換にみられる呼びかけへの応答（たとえば，養育者の「おはよう」というあいさつに対して子どもが返す「おはよう」というあいさつ）．
(3) 責任3：隣接対をなす発話の交換に付随して生じる発話のやりとりにおいてみられる説明（たとえば，養育者の「それAちゃんに貸してあげて」という要請に対して子どもが優先されない応答「いや」を行った場合，その子どもがその応答について説明を与える「これBちゃんの」という行為）．
上記から明らかなように，私たちのアプローチにおける責任は，日常的な概念としての「責任感」とつながってはいるが，同義ではない．また実際のやりとりでは，責任1〜3は複雑に絡み合い，さまざまなパターンを示す．そうしたパターンを丁寧に解きほぐし，さらにその成り立ちを考えることによって，「責任」概念をより深く理解することができる．これは，子育ての日常における子どもと養育者の関わりの形成と調整の仕組みを明らかにすることにもつながる．
The early ethnographic films provide us with important research materials to analyze the cultural distinctiveness, resilience, and universality of infant-caregiver interactions. They will be particularly useful for informing discussion of the sequential organization of relatively short but multimodal infant-caregiver interactions.
粘土の素材としての特色のひとつは可塑性の高さにある。この特色は、人間からさまざまな行為をひきだす可能性をもつ。このような粘土と人との関わり方の可能性をふまえたうえで、この研究会では、日本の幼児の粘土あそびとエチオピア女性職人の土器つくりをとりあげる。文化的・生態学的な側面に留意しながら、粘土に接触する際の身体動作や粘土を介した人と人のコミュニケーションに注目して、粘土をつかった模倣の発達について検討する。
人類学者は言語を使ってフィールドワークをし、人びとの実践を研究する。人類学者が観察しているのは基本的に人と人のやりとり、マルチモーダルな相互行為である。だが、こうした人びとのやりとりはほとんどの場合いわゆる「語り」として、あるいはフィールドでの調査における印象的な一エピソードとして利用されてきたにすぎない。言説に分析が加えられることはあっても、ミクロなやりとりに対して体系的な概念装置を使って分析が施されることはほとんどない。
子育ては，人類学を含めた学際的なコラボレーションがとくに有望視される領域である．子育ての研究ではしばしば，人は生物学的に文化的な存在であるといわれる．すなわち，人という種を特徴づけている能力（e.g. 二足歩行，社会的協同，言語）は，生物学的に準備されてはいるが，それが表現される手段においては社会的，歴史的に形成されてきた文化に多くをよっている(Bruner 1983)，と考えるのである．したがって，その文化における新参者は，熟練者との関わりを通じて，文化的実践の場を提供するコミュニティが社会的，歴史的に構築してきた知識や道具の使い方に習熟していく必要がある．一方で，そのコミュニティにおける文化的実践が再生産されていくためには，たいてい均一とはいえないそのメンバーたちが，その場の文脈に照らして適切に振る舞っていくことが必要である．つまり，文化過程は人々の創造に貢献し，人々は文化過程の創造に貢献する(Rogoff 2003)．子どもと養育者の間で繰り広げられる関わり，つまり子育ては，こうした文化過程と人々の創造の相互構成的な関係のなかでも，とりわけ基本的なものだと考えられる．そしてそうした関係は，さまざまなアプローチから研究することが可能であり，また望ましい．
歩くことは，直接的には，どの社会においても概ね生後1年ぐらいから可能になり，人間の自立・自律的な行動の最たるものの１つと見なされる．また歩くことは，しばしば他の社会的活動における自立・自律性を比喩的に特徴付けるときにも用いられる（e.g. 彼はすばらしい博士論文をまとめ，自ら歩み始めた）．だが，子どもが歩けるようになるためには，周囲の多くの人々からの支えを必要とする．また歩き続けるためには，常に変化する複雑な自然・社会環境の中で随伴的に行動を調整していかなければならない．したがって，歩くことは優れて社会・文化的な行為である．本研究では，この社会・文化的な行為としての歩くことに注目し，これがクン・サンの子どもにおいてどのように達成されるようになるのかを分析することを通じて，「エージェンシーとコミュニケーションとの不可分な関係」について論じる．
Studies of language socialization have examined the everyday interactions through which children are socialized into a socio-culturally structured universe (Duranti et al., 2011). From this perspective, affect is both an organizing force and a product of socialization practices across various communities. Among other affective experiences, shame has attracted considerable attention in research on language socialization and East Asian Studies. Inspired by previous work, the current paper focuses on caregivers’ utterances that involve shaming. We videotaped interactions between Japanese caregivers and young children in natural settings and examined their gestures and talk. The results revealed that caregivers frequently uttered shaming phrases even to young toddlers. Such utterances often appeared when caregivers noticed actions by children as inappropriate (e.g., overly childish) or when they assessed actions by children as inappropriate.
第14回教育・学習の人類学セミナーとして，南部アフリカ地域研究会との共催で，「セントラル・カラハリ・サン（ブッシュマン）におけるコミュニケーションの自然誌」と題したシンポジウムを12月13日(日)に京都大学稲盛財団記念館３階中会議室で開催しました．我が国の狩猟採集社会研究のパイオニアであり，その功績を讃えて2015年9月の第11回国際狩猟採集社会会議(CHAGS11)で同会議の終身名誉会員となった田中二郎先生，数々の名著・大著を執筆され，2015年3月に京都大学を退職された菅原和孝先生をはじめ，我が国が世界に誇るブッシュマン研究者が集結して，その最新の研究成果について報告しました．シンポジウムの成果は，菅原先生の退職を記念したAfrican Study Monographs, Supplementary Issueとして出版しました.
サン（ブッシュマン）は，20世紀前半から多くの研究の対象となってきた．研究者はサンを南部アフリカのマイノリティ，現在に生きる狩猟採集民，地域の政治経済システムのなかで周縁化された下層民，南部アフリカ一帯の先住民といった，さまざまなイメージで表してきた．近年では，1980〜1990年代に一世を風靡したカラハリ論争を契機として，地域社会の構造に埋め込まれたサンの主体性を探究するという試みが増えてきた．こうしたコンテクストで，サンの環境に対する深い関与がそのエスニシティの文化的な次元や政治経済的な状況とどのように関わっているのかを再考することは興味深い．田中二郎が1960年代に開始し，その後進たちによって半世紀の間積み重ねられてきたセントラル・カラハリ・サン（グイ／ガナ）についての一連の研究は，こうした考察を進めていく上できわめて貴重な事例を提供する．中でも菅原和孝は，グイについての人類学的な研究を通じて，自然と共に生きる人々に対する田中二郎の共感的なまなざしを継承しつつ，独自の認識論的な挑戦を繰り返してきた．このシンポジウムでは，この菅原和孝の試みを「コミュニケーションの自然誌」と位置づけ，これと関連づけながらセントラル・カラハリ・サンについての最新の研究の知見を報告，整理する．
私はこれまで，相互行為における応答の力を基礎として，子どもと養育者が協力的に行動を相互調整し，責任を文化的に形成していく仕組みを明らかにしてきた．本研究の目的は，この研究成果と理論枠組みに立脚して，子どもが他者からの承認を通じて間主観性(inter-subjectivity)を発達させる過程を明らかにすることである．このため，日本国内及びアジア・アフリカ諸国において養育者−子ども（誕生〜5歳）間相互行為のデータを収集し，これに基づいて子どもが次第に相互行為のパートナーの範囲を広げながら，自らの行為がもたらす投射(projection)に習熟していく過程を行動の社会化，言語の身体化，制度の内面化という観点から分析的に捉え直す．
I am pleased to inform you that 13th Seminar of Anthropology of Education and Learning, a serial seminar that have been carried out since Academic Year 2012, will be held in Kyoto University on 9th (Friday) October 2015.This time we invite Dr. Sheena Shah (http://www.caldi.uct.ac.za/people/sheena-shah) from the Centre for African Language Diversity (CALDi), University of Cape Town. Dr. Shah has actively worked on the maintenance, shift, and education of endangered languages, particularly what we call Khoisan languages. She is currently in Japan as a visiting scholar of the Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies (ASAFAS), Kyoto University. In this seminar she will give us a talk titled “Writing for speaking: The development of N|uu educational materials” in order to review achievements and challenges to revitalize the N?uu language, one of the Khoisan languages.
Musicality introduces a temporal structure to interactions. This facilitates the cooperative coordination of attention, posture, position, action, and affect in the course of interactions. The coordination process indicates what the participant should and should not do, and thereby provides a basis for encouraging morality in the given society. Children then gradually broaden the range of social situations in which they can anticipate appropriate actions. The communicative musicality approach developed by Malloch and Trevarthen (2009) provides a powerful tool for analyzing how such morality is organized. From this perspective, in this presentation, I will re-analyze some of my data on peer interactions among the !Xun San of north-central Namibia, who are often described as post-“hunter-gatherers”. Studies have shown that, after their long nursing period, San children shift their strong attachment to a multi-aged child group. Among the !Xun, who have been closely associated with Bantu agro-pastoralists, weaning occurs earlier than by their counterparts in nomadic San groups. These children then become involved in multi-aged child groups, whose activities usually take place outside adult supervision and which play a considerable role in childcare. I studied how !Xun toddlers begin to engage in the singing and dancing activities of the child groups. My analysis showed that the structural features of singing and dancing activities generate divergent participation frameworks (Goffman 1981) that transcend those of other genres of social interaction, such as ordinary conversation. Children make use of the spaces and materials that are available in their immediate surroundings, in accordance with the progression of the activity. Active imitation by toddlers was observed in these activities and contributed to regenerating their social organization.
Previous studies have shown that Ju|’hoan (a subgroup of the San) children were not weaned until they were four years of age. After this long period of nursing, children would then shift their strong attachment to a multi-aged child group. These characteristics are considered intrinsic to a nomadic lifestyle that requires a long period of socialization. For reconsidering these characteristics, I conducted research in North-Central Namibia among the !Xun, who have been closely associated with Bantu agro-pastoralists and are the neighbor of the Ju|’hoan, to examine their child-group interactions. Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, these children became involved in multi-aged child group, Their activities play a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. The singing of, and dancing to, songs, most of which originated in agro-pastoral societies, are major activities for girls’ groups. !Xun children actively incorporate these new aspects into their play. In this presentation, I analyze how young children start engaging in such multiparty embodied activities of singing and dancing. The examples show that various participation frameworks wherein a 2-year-old child was involved in singing and dancing activities. The participation frameworks of these examples were different with regard to (1) the configuration of the direction and extent of the participants’ attention, (2) the complexity of the activity and the skills required to engage in it, and (3) the semiotic resources used to establish the multiple boundaries of the activity. The examples also have some implications for studies of socialization. Although child groups facilitate rapid changes in San society, they also enable social re-integration. The active imitation observed in their activities contributes importantly to regenerating their social organization.
Two groups of San, the G|ui and G||ana, have lived in the central part of the Kalahari Desert, although Botswana’s development program has had a major impact on their lifestyle. Their environmental perception is complemented by a multi-scaled integration of folk knowledge that enables them to live a nomadic lifestyle within their immense living area, now encompassed by the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. When they move through the bushveld, they sometimes mark the environment. However, the modifications and ritualization of surroundings are limited primarily to simple, practical signs and rarely reach the systematic articulation of sacred significance. This is because they are oriented to attuning their acute senses to the complicated spatiotemporal structure of their surroundings rather than to trying to control nature through grasping its entirety. For the G|ui and G||ana, n!oo (translated as“land”) refers to a particular place in which a variety of cultural meanings operate. The cultural meanings are continuously constructed via unfolding social interactions embedded in the natural environment.
This roundtable follows upon the model established at CHAGS11. It is planned to be the closing summary of the conference, whereby speakers will review overall findings at the conference, and identify areas that need further discussion and investigation. Each member of the roundtable will take responsibility for tracking discussions on a particular topic, or set of linked topics, summarise, then identify the lessons learnt and ways to move forward on the comparative project of hunter-gatherer research. It is a closed roundtable, in that we will take responsibility for recruiting speakers other than ourselves. To have time for feedback discussions with the audience, speakers will be limited to five or six, and remarks not to exceed 10-15 minutes each, with a general discussion time of one hour or so.
Researchers have recognized kinship and naming practices as the center of Ju (also known as !Kung) socio-cultural organization. However, it is less well-known that the majority of studies on Ju societies have been primarily carried out in only a small number of similar locations. Recently, linguists have distinguished between 11 to 15 Ju sub-branches. Among them, the !Xun of north-central Namibia merit particular attention. Although people who seem to be !Xun appear in studies by revisionists, the distinction between these people and the famous Ju|’hoan has been vague in such studies. In contrast to the Ju|’hoan, about whom there has been heated debate concerning the extent of interaction with neighboring peoples, the !Xun have clearly had a historical relationship with various ‘others’, such as the =Akhoe (another group of San), the Owambo (a neighboring Bantu agro-pastoral people), colonial governments, missionary organizations, the Namibian government, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and international organizations. In this talk, I will discuss the role of kinship and naming practices in !Xun society in the hope of encouraging an intensive regional structural comparison of Ju societies. My study reveals that, although several cognate kinship terms are recognized among the !Xun and Ju|’hoan, their kinship and naming practices are also characterized by the following considerable differences: (1) Instead of the homonymous method, a practice that was prevalent among the Ju|’hoan, the standard generational method predominates in the use of !Xun kinship terms. (2) The !Xun categorize both cross and parallel cousins as classificatory siblings, while Ju|’hoan cousin terms are different from their sibling terms. (3) The !Xun terms for the father’s siblings differ from those for the mother’s siblings, while the Ju|’hoan employ one term for both the father’s brothers and mother’s brothers, and another term for both the father’s sisters and mother’s sisters. (4) The !Xun have a surname called ||’honi, which is passed on by cross-descent, whereas the Ju|’hoan have no such name. (5) Most !Xun individuals have multiple names, such as the !Xun name, surname, teknonym, nurse name, =Akhoe name, Owambo name, and Christian name. Based on these findings, I will discuss how the kinship and naming practices of the !Xun not only reflect the history of relationships between the !Xun and ‘others’ in north-central Namibia but have also provided a basis for establishing such relationships.
サンを含む狩猟採集社会は，子どもの社会化研究において重要な位置をしめてきた．これはおもに，狩猟採集社会の特徴がヒトの子育ての本質についての議論と関連づけられてきたからである．しかし，実際にサンの日常的生活のなかで教育や学習がどのように生じるのかについて，実証的な分析を行った研究はほとんどない．そこで本研究では，ボツワナに住むグイおよびガナ（セントラル・カラハリ・サン）を対象として，養育者と乳児が授乳と「ジムナスティック」に従事している場面および歌／踊り活動において子どもがお互いに模倣しあう場面で生じている相互調整について相互行為分析を行い，ヒトの教育と学習に関する多くの研究の背後に想定されているいくつかの前提を再考する．本研究の分析は，文化的に特徴的な活動において相互行為の参与者がどのように協力し，行為を調整しあっているのかを明らかにする．上記の場面では，経験豊かなものとそうでないものがともに社会的状況に参加するなかで，相互行為の連鎖を協同的に組織している．こうした組織化のプロセスを特徴付けているダイナミクスは，ヒトの教育と学習の基盤となっている．さらに，本研究でもちいたアプローチとその分析結果は，能力についての個人主義的な見方に再考をうながすものである．
Hunter-gatherer societies, including groups of the San, have occupied a particularly important place in research on child socialization. This is principally because the features of hunter-gatherer societies have been associated with discussions about the nature of human child rearing. However, few studies have empirically analyzed the education and learning that actually occur during the everyday life of the San. To reconsider several of the premises underpinning most approaches to human education and learning, I performed an interaction analysis of the mutual accommodation that occurs while caregivers and infants engage in nursing and ‘gymnastic’ behaviors, and the process by which children imitate each other during singing/dancing activities among the G|ui and G||ana (Central Kalahari San) living in Botswana. This analysis clarifies how participants in interactions align and affiliate with each other during culturally distinctive activities. These dynamics serve as a foundation for the education and learning that is inherent in collaboratively organized sequences of interactions, by means of which experienced and inexperienced people participate in social situations, such as those listed above. The approach adopted in this paper also facilitates reconsideration of the individualistic perspectives on ability.
本研究は，「相互行為の人類学」というアプローチからアジア・アフリカ諸国で(1)リズム，(2)模倣，(3)交換に関する養育者−子ども間相互行為のデータを収集し，子どもの教育・学習が成立する基盤を再考するものである．
As part of more encompassing efforts to develop an empirically grounded theory on the cultural formation of responsibility, this study focused on how young Japanese children and their caregivers mold interactions involving directive, defined as “an utterance intended to get the listener to do something” (Goodwin 2006), paying special attention to practices related to omoiyari (“empathy” or “sensitivity to others’ feelings and desires”), a distinctive value in Japanese culture. This analysis clarified several strategies used by caregivers and children to capture the attention of recipients during directive sequences. This provides a context in which actions fit for the culturally shared values, such as omoiyari, are put into practice. In other words, these strategies constitute distinctive phenotypes of communicative competence in Japanese caregiver-child interactions and are induced by the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements. Analysis of these strategies disentangles the intriguing relationships among various codes of communicative conduct and illuminates how culturally shared morality, which is associated with the distinctive values of Japanese culture, is transmitted across generations.
ヒト−チンパンジー間インタラクションにおけるアイ・トラッカーデータの分析方法等について検討した．
グイ／ガナは，カラハリ砂漠中央部を生活域としてきた狩猟採集民・先住民として知られる．本発表では，グイ／ガナにおけるブッシュでの運転，たき火を囲んでの道案内，土地の名前に関する物語り，狩猟行での移動ルートの説明といった，道探索実践に関わる発話イベント(Hymes 1972)について，私が現在進めている分析を紹介する．こうした発話イベントは，その参与者にGoffman(1964: 135)のいう社会的状況を提供する．道探索実践に関わる発話イベントは，予めプランや結果が定められているものではなく，その場の状況と応答しながら徐々に展開されていく．そうした発話イベントの展開過程では，参与者間の相互行為によって，歴史・文化的に蓄積されてきた意味が共有される．こうした意味は，様々な記号論的資源を源泉とし，行為者の主体性が鍵となって生成される．また，記号論的資源とそれを活用して行われる行為の間には再帰的なリンクが存在する．こうして環境との関わりを深めていく過程は，環境を利用するというよりは，環境と対話を続けることである．また本発表で例にあげるような発話イベントは，さまざまな立場の人々を社会的状況に巻き込み，組織化する．そのプロセスを発話イベントの参与者の視点から理解するためには，参与枠組み(Hymes 1972; Goffman 1981)の移り変わりや自然環境の構造との関わりに周到な注意を払いつつ，相互行為を分析していくことが有効である．
なお本発表は，2015年度中の出版を目指している英文単著の構想・内容に基づいている．
Studies of language socialization have examined the everyday interactions through which children are socialized into a socio-culturally structured universe (Duranti et al., 2011). From this perspective, affect is both an organizing force and a product of socialization practices across various communities. Among other affective experiences, shame has attracted considerable attention in research on language socialization and East Asian Studies. Inspired by previous work, the current paper focuses on caregivers’ use of phrases that involve shameful (hazukashii) in Japanese caregiver-child interactions. We videotaped interactions between Japanese caregivers and young children in natural settings and examined the gestures and talk involving these phrases.
The results revealed that caregivers frequently uttered shaming phrases even to young toddlers. Such utterances often appeared when caregivers noticed or assessed inappropriate actions by children (e.g., overly childish).
In the following example, C (a girl aged 2 years, 8 months) is watching a video clip of babies eating, while M, her 10-months-pregnant mother, watches from behind. At first, seeing C very close to the screen, M issues a command (“C, move backward, ((move)) backward”), one of sub-categories of a directive, i.e., “an utterance intended to get the listener to do something” (Goodwin, 2006; Takada 2013). C turns around and moves forward, but loses her balance and hits her hands on the floor. Immediately C makes a mock cry (“a::”) like a baby. Seeing this, M remarks “((You behave like)) a baby.” The utterance acknowledges the change in footing (Goffman 1981) exhibited by C’s prior utterance. In response, C further exaggerates the mock cry and comes to M. As C holds M, M says, “Oh, it’s a baby. What is the baby going to do? What is the baby going to do?” Embarrassed by these utterances, C says “aa I don’t like ((being held like this))” in her normal tone of voice and leaves M. M says:
M: are akachan ja nai. hh ima demo akachan natta yaro.
IJ baby PP NEG now but baby became FP
Oh, it’s not a baby. hh But just now you behaved like a baby, right?
ima akachan natta. hazukashii.
now baby became shameful
Just now you behaved like a baby. It’s shameful.
As M makes these remarks, C stands up, comes closer to M, and holds M again. Then M repeatedly pats C’s back. This exchange resolves the friction in the interaction. C makes a mock cry (“uwa:: a a”) again in the babyish tone of voice and then says, “I hit ((my hands on the floor)).”
Our analysis indicates that caregivers often produce utterances involving shameful (hazukashii) when children’s actions do not fit with the frame of ongoing interactions. Relative to other negative assessments that directly mark the speaker’s intentionality, utterances involving shameful are less threatening in terms of face (Brown and Levinson 1987) in Japanese conversation and thus useful in eliciting desired responses from children. They also facilitate a multiplicity of frames in conversation between children and caregivers.
Two groups of San, the G|ui and G||ana, have lived in the central part of the Kalahari Desert, although Botswana’s development program has encouraged them to live in permanent settlements and has had a major impact on their lifestyle. Their spatial cognition is complemented by a multi-scaled integration of folk knowledge that enables them to acquire ample bush food by moving frequently and flexibly within their immense living area, now encompassed by the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. When they move through the bushveld, they sometimes mark the environment. For instance, a hunter tracking an animal may leave twigs on the ground to communicate the direction of his movement to his followers. However, these modifications to surroundings are limited primarily to simple, practical signs and rarely reach the systematic articulation of sacred significance. This is because they are oriented to attuning their acute senses to the complicated spatiotemporal structure of their surroundings rather than to trying to control nature through grasping its entirety. For the G|ui and G||ana, n!oo (translated as “land”) refers to a particular place in which a variety of cultural meanings operate. The cultural meanings are continuously constructed via unfolding social interactions embedded in the natural environment.
It has become common to emphasize the depth and diversity of the economic and social changes that took place in the second half of the 20th century, in both the developed and developing countries. The transition brings huge advances, but also raises disturbing questions about the long-term social, cultural, ecological and political‘sustainablility’of the various observable shifts. African countries are no way exceptional in this context, but under an even accelerated model. Cash economy, Western political theory and massive foreign immigration have greatly changed the life style of most Africans, especially those ethnic groups. No sooner had they cheered for better living conditions caused by social transition than the economical threats and political turbulence came as side effects.
The workshop intends to contribute to academic debate on the impact of social transition in Southern African countries by focusing on issues and challenges concerning living conditions, cultural, economy, and politics. Through discussing, we attempt to seek the necessary link between the advances and the problems. And explore the possibility of pursuing a general strategy to raise benefit and production while avoiding the formidable obstacles. The workshop aims to offer opportunity to consider critical perspectives between ASAFAS members and those of the cooperating institutions.
If we consider the family as a social system, the system goes through frequent changes. Preparing for and giving birth to a new member of family is one occasion for such change. In this study, we analyze communication between Japanese pregnant women and their family members, in order to clarify how the social relationship of the family is constructed, maintained, and re-organized when the family is about to welcome a new member. When an unborn baby is introduced into family interactions, the “participation framework” is flexibly coordinated among or amended by participants. We scrutinize the features of such a participation framework, while focusing on (1) the temporal perspective, (2) the spatial configuration, (3) footing, and (4) introduction of the physical sensations in the course of family interactions. Based on these analyses, we will discuss the following points. (1) The patterns of interaction before and after the birth are connected and manifest some degree of continuity throughout the process. (2) A pregnant woman often expresses her physical sensations, such as fetal movements, in terms of the conventional frame that reflects the culturally shared norms of the given society.
Requesting an object or information is a basic and ubiquitous activity in human interactions (Curl & Drew 2008), but the types of requests vary considerably across speech communities. This paper analyzes (1) caregivers’ use of linguistic forms and gestures to make requests to their children, and (2) the developmental transition of children’s expressions of acceptance in response to requests. Based on video data of Japanese caregiver-child (aged 0-5 years) interactions, we conducted an interaction analysis of conversations involving caregivers’ requests to their children. The results revealed that requests were further subdivided according to (1) linguistic forms such as utterances that take the form of the compound verbs V-tekureru and V-teagete, and (2) use or non-use of gestural cues that indicate appropriate responses. By formulating these utterances, caregivers not only made reciprocal communication more effective (Bruner, 1983) but also set and modified the frame of their activity. Child responses to requests were divided between acceptance and rejection. Acceptance was observed more frequently, and was divided into several sub-types, which were unevenly distributed according to the ages of the children, indicating a developmental transition of the perception on rights and obligations surrounding object possession on the part of children.
The G|ui and G||ana, two neighboring groups of San, have been marginalized within the regionalized social structure of Botswana. Although they perform relatively few religious services or ceremonies, they do engage in various preventive and curative treatments that have a number of ritualistic aspects. One remarkable example is the chebama treatment, which originated among the neighboring Kgalagadi people and is used as a treatment for abnormal delivery (Imamura 2010). Abnormal birth is thought to lead to chest disease in the parents and child after birth. To avoid this, based on their folk pathology, they engage in the chebama treatment, which symbolically reiterates birth. In 1997, the Botswana government relocated most of the G|ui and the G||ana to outside their traditional living area. The chebama treatment became widely practiced in the new settlement. In this context, the chebama treatment should be understood not simply as a treatment for abnormal delivery but also as a means of addressing broader discords in social relationships that have arisen in the new settlements. Moreover, the practices were influenced by a number of demographic and socioeconomic conditions, such as increased access to cash income and greater geographic proximity to the medicine man. The chebama treatment, through which people symbolically re-enact birth, is thus an attempt to contend with the social anxiety associated with resettlement. The G|ui and G||ana have used this treatment to re-establish their moral ideals in the face of ‘modernization.’
Introduction
1.Akira Takada (Kyoto University)
2. The context of early childhood: Family, culture, and policy – family decision making
Marguerite (Peg) Barratt (The George Washington University & Kyoto University)
3. Culture and Attention: Implications for Developmental Research
Takahiko Masuda (University of Alberta)
Gestures in oral societies: The fading of obligatory gestures through writing
Matthias Brenzinger(CALDi-UCT, South Africa)
Among former hunter-gatherers quite a number of gestures hold a very different status in communication compared to gestures use in literate societies. The impact of literacy on oral language is obvious; it fosters the flattening of regional dialectal variation and freezes standard varieties. Some scholars discuss writing itself as gestures, but this latter aspect will be ignored here.
In this discussion, I claim, that the spread of literacy has a major influence on the status and nature of gestures in communication. Obligatory gestures, a term which I introduced for those gestures that are exclusive means to convey certain, specific information without the option for the speakers to express these meanings in oral language, i.e. without these gestures. It seems that such obligatory gestures are exclusively used in non-literate societies of intimates. Face-to-face communication among members of such societies of intimates differs from that of heterogeneous, highly differentiated societies in many respects. The presentation, however, will demonstrate the importance of literacy in pushing obligatory gestures out of usage.
As part of more encompassing efforts to develop an empirically grounded theory on the cultural formation of responsibility, this paper examines how young Japanese children and their caregivers mold their interactions in relation to directives, defined as “an utterance intended to get the listener to do something” (Goodwin 2006). We collected data about caregiver-child interactions and classified caregiver directives and child responses into several categories. Our analyses revealed that when a child resists a caregiver’s directive, the caregiver can effectively use “reported speech” and thereby indirectly communicate her regulation of the child’s behavior. This provides a context in which actions fit for the culturally shared values, such as Omoiyari (sensitivity to others’ feelings and desires), are put into practice. These strategies form the distinctive types of communicative competence in Japanese caregiver-child interactions and are also induced by the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements.
Requesting an object is a basic and ubiquitous activity in human interaction (Curl & Drew 2008), but the form of object requests varies considerably across speech communities and over developmental progress. Few studies have analyzed the situational factors that affect how speakers select a particular form of object request. This paper focuses on one part of a larger study about the sequence organization of a directive, which can be defined as “an utterance intended to get the listener to do something” (Goodwin 2006). Specifically, this paper focuses on social situations in which Japanese caregivers reiterate directives to their children and on how caregivers formulate requests as a form of directive based on the responses of children. We collected longitudinal data on Japanese caregiver-child (children were aged 0-5 years) interactions in natural settings. Based on approximately 500 hours of video data, we conducted an interaction analysis of gestures and conversations involving directive sequences. The results revealed that when a caregiver issued a directive, the child often did not comply. As with most caregivers, Japanese caregivers develop strategies to encourage a child to behave properly. When a child resisted obeying a caregiver’s directive, one major strategy used by the caregiver was to issue a modified directive to regulate the child’s behavior. This sequence can be summarized as follows: Action 1 by caregiver (CG): directive; Action 2 by child (C): non-acceptance; Action 3 by CG: modified directive; Action 4 by C: acceptance. Our dataset revealed that caregivers often applied actions 1-3 recursively until action 4 (acceptance) was obtained. Previous researchers (e.g., Ervin-Tripp 1976; Clancy 1986) have proposed a ‘scale of directness’ of directives. Analyses of directness or indirectness can help to clarify variations in directives. Directness is determined by the intensity of action: in our dataset, directness varied from imperative to request, suggestion, prompting, and invitation as the intensity was modulated. Among these, we observed request most frequently, followed by suggestion and prompting. In the Japanese language, these forms of directives can be identified by the final particle, which usually occurs at the end of utterance. This grammatical feature allows speakers to modify the directness of directives as they continually re-evaluate the recipient’s responses. Our analysis suggests that this strategy constitutes a distinctive kind of communicative competence in Japanese caregiver-child interactions and that it is induced by the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements. Language both reflects and constitutes context. The frameworks used to facilitate mutual understanding constitute the conversational settings that create and recreate morality in caregiver-child interactions.
Researchers have considered that the San, whose foraging lifestyle is well known, provide vital clues to understanding the essence of human caregiving. San children form extremely close relationships with their mothers. The San consist of several groups, among which the Ju|’hoan are the best known. This study focused on caregiving activities among the !Xun, who are closely associated with agropastoral peoples and are neighbors of the Ju|’hoan. Three major domains of caregiving (physical care, verbal utterances, and feeding) were examined. Although young !Xun children formed close physical bonds with their mothers, other caregivers also played important roles in childcare. Female and male children and female adolescents engaged considerably in caregiving activities, in contrast to their Ju|’hoan counterparts. These young !Xun contributed most to physical care, followed by verbal utterances and feeding. Konner (2005) explained differences in caregiving activities among foraging groups in terms of the diversity of accessible resources. This argument is to some extent applicable to the differences observed between the nomadic Ju|’hoan and the sedentary !Xun. Based on this evidence, I reconsidered the relationships among ecology, subsistence activities, and patterns of caregiver-child interactions.
Research on the development of social interactions has shown how caregivers and infants reciprocally accommodate patterns of behaviors immediately upon the birth of the infant. However, the cultural nature of such systems has yet to be analyzed. I aimed to clarify the ethnographic distinctiveness of caregiver-infant interactions among the !Xun, a group of the San living in North-Central Namibia. !Xun mothers usually nurse infants for a few minutes at a time, punctuated by short intervals between nursing episodes. A detailed analysis of !Xun nursing practices indicates that young infants react to the proximal context with a narrow range of actions, whereas mothers demonstrate a much broader behavioural repertoire, which constitutes one reason for the distinctive nursing pattern. Moreover, infant sucking has been negatively correlated with “gymnastic” behaviours (infants standing or jumping on caregivers’ laps). Indeed, caregivers frequently engage infants in gymnastic behaviours, which induce infants to demonstrate stepping movements. These patterns create rhythms in caregiver-child interactions, thereby rendering these interactions pleasurable. The uses of the body observed in nursing and gymnastic activities indicate that corporeality is omnipresent in such caregiver-infant interactions. My analysis demonstrates that what appears to be a transparent physicality of the body may in fact evolve through a history involving complex interplay among cultural forces (Hanks, 1996). Encouraged by these forces, even young infants exhibit responses that match the expectations of caregivers. These early forms of “responsibility” pave the way for infants to participate in more complicated interactions in later life.
本プロジェクトの学習進化モデルで提起された個体学習と社会学習は，それぞれ個体的＝非社会的な状況と社会的な状況で生じる学習だと解釈できる．これに対 して，学習が成立する原理に焦点をあてた区分としては，古典的条件付け，道具的条件付け，観察学習（その関連カテゴリーとしてのイミテーションやエミュ レーション）などがある．これらはいずれも，上記の個体学習，社会学習のどちらにおいても成立しうる．いいかえれば，両者ともさまざまな原理がからみ合っ て生じる．ヒトの発展の一因は，その社会が各人の学習をサポートする仕組みを形成し，発展させてきたこと，すなわち社会学習を促進してきたことにあるのだ ろう．本発表では，南部アフリカのサンで観察される学習の様式を分析し，狩猟採集民において社会学習が生じる状況の特徴を論じる．さらに，社会学習に関し て私たちが仮定しがちないくつかの前提を明示し，その妥当性について他の参加者と議論したい．
In this project, the models of evolutional learning considers individual learning and social learning as learning that occurs in individual (i.e. non-social) and social situations respectively. Meanwhile, previous studies have classified the types of learning, such as respondent conditioning, operant conditioning, and observation learning (and imitation and emulation as relevant categories), based on the principles that enable learning. All of these types of learning can be observed in both individual and social learning seen above. In other words, various principles for learning are intertwined for both individual and social learning. The flourish of homo sapience can be partly caused by the fact that human society has formed and developed the devises that support the learning of its members, that is to say, it has facilitated social learning. In this presentation, I will argue the distinctiveness of social situations that enables social learning of hunter-gatherers, based on the observations of the learning styles among the San of southern Africa. Furthermore, I will clarify several premises that we tend to have while talking about social learning, in order to discuss their validity.
Researchers have considered that the San, whose foraging lifestyle is well known, provide vital clues to understanding the essence of human caregiving. San children form extremely close relationships with their mothers. The San consist of several groups, among which the Ju|’hoan are the best known. This study focused on caregiving activities among the !Xun, who are closely associated with agropastoral peoples and are neighbors of the Ju|’hoan. Three major domains of caregiving (physical care, verbal utterances, and feeding) were examined. Although young !Xun children formed close physical bonds with their mothers, other caregivers also played important roles in childcare. Female and male children and female adolescents engaged considerably in caregiving activities, in contrast to their Ju|’hoan counterparts. These young !Xun contributed most to physical care, followed by verbal utterances and feeding. Konner (2005) explained differences in caregiving activities among foraging groups in terms of the diversity of accessible resources. This argument is to some extent applicable to the differences observed between the nomadic Ju|’hoan and the sedentary !Xun. Based on this evidence, I reconsidered the relationships among ecology, subsistence activities, and patterns of caregiver-child interactions.
Our research data on gymnastic behavior and singing/dancing activity demonstrate that participant’s view of childcare can be better understood by communicative musicality perspective as opposed to evolutionary and functional perspectives. Communicative musicality introduces a temporal structure to caregiver-child interactions. This facilitates the participants to coordinate their attention, posture, position, and affect with other participants in the course of interactions. The coordination process indicates what the participant should and should not do, and thereby provides the basis for encouraging morality in the given society. Children then gradually broaden the range of social situation in which they can act properly. The communicative musicality perspective developed by Malloch, Trevarthen and his colleagues give a powerful tool to analyze how such morality is going to be organized.
This paper re-examines the concept of family/kinship in San studies by analyzing life-stories among the !Xun San living in north-central Namibia. Study of the !Xun, a group of San living in north-central Namibia, provides a valuable perspective on San studies. The following examples of life-stories enable us to examine the interplay between their ethnicity and familial/kin relationships with special reference to the applications of the surname system of !Xun (||’honi), the clan system of Owambo (epata), and the surname system of Hai||om (n!hao): (1) A male born of an Owambo father and a !Xun mother was raised as an Owambo. After his father passed away, however, he moved into a !Xun camp with his mother and siblings and lived as a !Xun, depending on Owambo people. (2) A male with Hai||om parents worked for the Owambo chief with his !Xun colleague for many years and then married a !Xun female. He then moved to a village founded by missionaries, where he was later chosen as the headman of the village’s !Xun camp. (3) A !Xun girl born in a !Xun camp was fostered by an Owambo family for more than 10 years. She gave birth to two children, the first with an Owambo classmate and the second with an Owambo ex-soldier. When she was pregnant with her third child, by the Owambo ex-soldier, she went back to the !Xun camp and decided to settle there. To understand regional !Xun society, it is necessary to study their familial/kin relationships within a new theoretical framework. In contrast to traditionalist and revisionist analyses, this framework must treat !Xun relationships with others as an intrinsic component of efforts to explain the family/kinship. A reconsideration of the “family” in San studies leads us to reformulate our understanding of the social system in which the San play an important role.
Studies on communicative competence have examined how language and other semiotic resources are used in social settings. Instead of seeing children as immature, this line of research has indicated that even toddlers can employ sophisticated strategies to achieve their purposes in their everyday interactions. As part of more encompassing efforts to develop an empirically grounded theory on the cultural formation of responsibility, which is considered an important facet of communicative competence, this paper examines how young Japanese children and their caregivers mold their interactions in relation to directives. Directives in caregiver-child interactions (hereafter CCIs) are often issued when a caregiver observes misconduct or breaches of commonly accepted values on the part of the child. When a caregiver issues a directive, a child often do not respond directly to the caregiver’s intention and instead demonstrates embodied or sensory knowledge. The expression of embodied or sensory knowledge by a child is effective in eliciting a response from a caregiver in that it can serve as a clue to a common experience shared by child and caregiver. They may then jointly and progressively reconstruct the shared memory, thereby shifting the topic of conversation. On the other hand, pre-empting a child’s resistance to a directive also constitutes a strategy for leading the child to act properly. For instance, instead of conveying the explicit intention of a directive, a caregiver sometimes uses reported speech, which introduces the voice of one or more others in a participation framework. Reported speech invites a response from the recipient (Goodwin, 1984) and can thus function as an indirect directive. Our analysis suggests that these strategies constitute distinctive types of communicative competence in Japanese CCIs and also reflect the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements.
T南部アフリカの先住民として知られるジュホアン(サンの1グループ)では，授乳期間が約4年と長いことが知られてきた．またこの長い授乳期間の後，子ど もはその強い愛着の対象を多年齢からなる子ども集団に移すといわれてきた．これらは，社会化に長い期間を要する遊動生活に内在的な特徴だとされてきた．こ うした研究史を受けて，発表者はジュホアンと近縁なサンの1グループであり，近隣の農牧民との交渉が盛んなナミビア北中部のクン(!Xun)のもとで子ど も集団活動についての調査を行った．今日のクンでは，生後2年目の子どもに対して離乳が行われるようになっている．離乳後の子どもは，多年齢からなる子ど も集団の活動に参加し始める．こうした活動は子どものケアにおいて大きな役割を担い，通常大人の監視の外で行われる．子ども集団の活動の中では，歌／踊り がとりわけ重要である．少女たちのグループの主要な活動の1つである歌／踊りは，じつはたいてい農牧民由来のものである．クンの子どもたちは，そうした新 しい要素を積極的に遊びに取り入れている．今回の発表では，幼い子どもがどのようにして多人数による身体化された活動である歌／踊りに従事し始めるのかを 分析する．本発表でとりあげる事例は，言語的な教示がまだ十分に理解できない2歳児を歌／踊り活動に巻き込むさまざまな参与枠組みを示す．これらの事例は また，社会化の研究にとっても重要なインプリケーションを持っている．子ども集団はサンの社会の急速な変化を促進する一方で，社会の再統合にも大きく寄与 している．子ども集団の活動で観察される積極的な模倣は，社会組織を再創造するために重要な貢献をしている．
Previous studies have shown that Ju|’hoan (a subgroup of the San) children were not weaned until they were four years of age. After this long period of nursing, children would then shift their strong attachment to a multi-aged child group. These characteristics are considered intrinsic to a nomadic lifestyle that requires a long period of socialization. For reconsidering these characteristics, I conducted research in North-Central Namibia among the !Xun, neighbors of the Ju|’hoan with close agro-pastoral associations, to examine their child-group interactions. Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, these children became involved in multi-aged child group, Their activities play a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. The singing of, and dancing to, songs, most of which originated in agro-pastoral societies, are major activities for girls’ groups. !Xun children actively incorporate these new aspects into their play. In this presentation, I analyze how young children start engaging in such multiparty embodied activities of singing and dancing. The examples show various participation frameworks in which a 2-year-old child was involved in singing and dancing activities. The examples also have some implications for studies of socialization. Although child groups facilitate rapid changes in San society, they also enable social re-integration. The active imitation observed in their activities contributes importantly to regenerating their social organization.
Young children become increasingly active in taking things from or giving things to another in the second year after the birth. The interaction patterns are then gradually shaped, with reference to the cultural norms of a given speech community (Ochs 1988; Takada 2005). What is emphasized less often is that young children do not always take actions in accordance with the sequential order of interactions. When the variety of operations increased, the pattern of the interaction becomes rather disarrayed. The reactions to such “infelicitous” actions are important, particularly when discussing early language socialization. Using videotaped interactions involving 8- to 14-month-old Japanese infants, which were collected through our longitudinal study on Caregiver-Child Interactions since 2007, I clarify the conditions that enable the give-and-take activity. The analysis suggests that infants at this age gradually begin to comprehend themselves through their reflection in others. Consequently, infants become foresee and organize the framework of their activity, a framework that is formed socio-culturally.
「ナミビア北中部に住むクン(!Xun)は，南部アフリカ一帯の「先住民」であるサン(San)の１グループだとされる．本発表では，クンのライフストー リー分析を通じて，彼らのエスニシティが創造・再創造されてきた仕組みを解きほぐしてみたい． この試みの意義を示すために，まずサンの錯綜する研究史にふれておこう．サンは伝統的に狩猟採集に基づく移動生活を営んでいたとされる．初期のサン調査 は，現代の狩猟採集民であるサンが人類社会の始原的な姿を復元する鍵になると考えた．これに対して「見直し派」と呼ばれるグループは，サンは近隣諸民族を 含むより大きな政治経済的なシステムの中で下層に追いやられてきた人々の集合に過ぎないと主張し，さらに，「孤立した自律的なサンの社会」という幻想を創 出してきたとして従来の研究者（「伝統派」と呼ばれる）を糾弾した．伝統派はサン，とくに彼らがおもな研究対象としてきたジュホアン(Ju|’hoan) と近隣諸民族との接触があった地域，その程度，その解釈に関して見直し派に反駁した．この「カラハリ論争」を契機として，伝統派と見直し派の双方でサンの 歴史を復元する動きが活発になった．さらに現在ではカラハリ論争を超えて，近隣諸民族や国家との関係史を見すえた上でサンの文化について考えていくことが 求められている． ナミビア北中部のクンは，ジュホアンと言語，名前／親族名称，原野への豊かな知識，密接な母子関係といった，サンの特徴として知られる多くの文化的要素 が類似している．その一方で，近隣諸民族とは比較的関わってこなかったとされるジュホアンとは対照的に，クンはオバンボ(Owambo)と総称されるバン トゥ系の農耕牧畜民と数世紀に渡って多面的な関係を築いてきた．さらにクンは，植民地政府，宣教団，ナミビア共和国，NGO や国際機関といったより強大な権力ともユニークな関わりを持ってきた．したがって，クンはサンにおけるエスニシティの文化的な次元と政治経済的な状況との 関係を考えるうえでまたとない事例を提供してくれるだろう． ナミビア北中部で歴史的に台頭してきた人々や組織は，それぞれこの地域の社会を特色づける慣習やシステムを持ち込んだ．新しい社会的制度の中で，さまざ まな人々や組織の利害関係を背景として，クンはしばしばその位置づけを再定義されてきた．しかし，そうした政治経済的な利害関係の移り変わりや位置づけの 変転，さらには近隣諸民族との頻繁な通婚等を経験したにもかかわらず，クンを他のアクターから隔てる文化的な境界は，重層化しつつも連綿とそのリアリティ を持ってきた． クンの人々の多様なライフストーリーは，こうしたリアリティが形成されてきた仕組みを考える上で重要な示唆を与えてくれる．ナミビア北中部の地域史にお いて台頭してきた人々や組織はそれぞれのやり方でクンのイメージを描いているが，クンが社会の周縁部に位置づけられてきた点ではおおむね共通している．ク ンは繰り返し周縁化される過程において，いくつかの方略によりさまざまなアクターとの間のコンフリクトを制御してきた．こうした方略においては，クンの柔 軟な言語共同体が重要な役割を担っている．それは社会化の舞台であるとともに，いつか帰還して生活世界を再構成することを可能にする波止場(dock)の ような場としても機能してきた．
本発表では，これまでのサン研究における「家族」の位置づけを整理し，そうした研究史と関連づけながらナミビア北中部のクン・サンのライフストーリーを分 析する．これを通じて，サンにおけるエスニシティと家族の関係を問い直す． 初期の研究者は，現代の「狩猟採集民」であるサンはごくシンプルな形で社会秩序を維持しており，家族的な結合がその基礎になっていると主張した．この家 族を中心とする仕組みは，サンの人間観や人間関係にも現れていると考えられた．たとえばSilberbauer(1981)は，自己を中心とした同心円状 に血縁の深い順に親族が並び，その外側に別のサンのグループ，サン以外の人々が続くモデルを提示している． だがほどなく，「見直し派」と呼ばれる研究者が影響力を増すようになった．見直し派は，サンは近隣諸民族を含むより大きな政治経済的なシステムの中で下 層に追いやられた人々の集合に過ぎないと主張し，さらに「孤立した自律的なサンの社会」という幻想を創出してきたとして従来の研究者（「伝統派」と呼ばれ る）を糾弾した．見直し派の論考では，親族間の関係は土地の権利や交易のネットワークを支える仕組みと位置づけられている． 私が調査を行ってきたナミビア北中部のクン・サンは，上の「カラハリ論争」の主な対象となったジュホアン・サンと多くの文化的要素を共有している．ただ しジュホアンとは異なり，近隣の農牧民と数世紀に渡って多面的な関係を築いてきたことが広く認められている．クンのライフストーリーをたどると以下のよう な事例が見つかる．(1)クンの母親と農牧民の父親を持ち，農牧民として育てられた男性が，父親の死後は母親と一緒にクンのキャンプに移住し，クンとして 生活するようになった．(2)クンの少女が農牧民に養取され，農牧民の子どもと一緒に育てられていたが，妊娠を機にクンのキャンプに戻った．(3)クンの 男性が南アからの解放運動に参加して，国外で農牧民と共に活動していた．しかし，ナミビアの独立後はクンのキャンプに帰還してそこで暮らすようになった． ここにあげた人々は，農牧民と生活していた時にはクンに他者としてのまなざしを向けていた．しかし，後にクンのキャンプに移動してきた際には，親族のつ ながりを頼った選択という論理を用いて，エスニシティの境界を越える移動に合理的な説明を与えている．これによって人々は，クンと農牧民が形作ってきた社 会構造を壊すことなく，自らの転身に伴ってそのエスノスケープを変化させている．クンを他のアクターから隔てる文化的な境界が激動の歴史の中でもリアリ ティを失わなかった理由の１つは，こうした親密な関係性の再帰的な利用にあるのであろう．したがってクンの社会を理解するためには，伝統派と見直し派のい ずれとも異なる枠組みで家族の働きを分析していく必要がある． またこうした図式は，エスニシティと家族の間だけではなく，原理的には国家などの組織とそれを横断するエスニシティとの間にも成り立ちうる．したがってサ ン研究における家族の復権は，社会を構成するシステム間の関係のとらえ直しを促すものでもある．
Kaye(1982)やCarpenter, Nagell, & Tomasello (1998)によれば，乳児は生後9ヶ月頃から他者の意図を理解できるようになり，さらに意図の理解を基礎として共同関与，コミュニケーション的身振り， 注意追随，模倣学習といった社会的認知スキルを獲得する．これらと前後して，赤ちゃんはものを受けとったり渡したりすることができるようになる．赤ちゃん が多様な行為をみせることには，周りの人たちの関わり方が大きく関係している．本研究では，上記の社会的認知スキルとの関わりに注目しながら，ものの受け 渡し場面における発話や身振りのつらなりを分析する．これを通じて，ものの受け渡しを可能にする相互行為的な条件を明らかにすることを目的とする． 本研究は，養育者-子ども間相互行為に関する縦断的観察研究の一環として行った．調査者は2007年から継続的に0〜4歳の乳幼児のいる家庭を月に一度 程度訪問し，各回約2時間，養育者と乳幼児の自然な相互行為をビデオカメラで収録している．本研究はこのうち生後8〜12ヶ月の乳児9名のデータに基づ く．撮影された動画資料は，(1)観察時間を60秒間隔で区切り，注目する行動・状態について1-0サンプリングを用いてコード化した．さらに(2)相互 行為の全ての参与者の言語的・非言語的なやりとりの書き起こしを作成した．これらをもとに，ものの受け渡しと関連する事例を取り出した．分析は主に(2) の資料に基づいて行うが，必要に応じて適宜(1) の資料も参照する． 事例1 テーブルを前に，母親と生後8ヶ月の男児Kが隣り合って椅子に座っている．母親はKの顔を見ながらその口もとにスプーンでヨーグルトを差し出す．そして， スプーンを揺らす．Kは少し前に身体を乗り出し，ヨーグルトを食べる．これを見て，母親はKの髪をなでる．32月齢の姉Sが近づき，テーブル上のおもちゃ を手に取る．Kはそのおもちゃを見つめる．すると母親はスプーンをとって，Kの口の前につんと差し出す．この動きに合わせて，母親は「あーん」と発声し， 自分の口を開ける．Kは母親の方に注意を向け直し，少し前に身を乗り出してヨーグルトを食べる．この後，母親はこの手と口をシンクロさせた行為を何度か繰 り返す． この例では，母親はやりとりのイニシアティブをとり，行為連鎖の「秩序」を維持しようとしている．「イニシアティブをとる」とは，後続の行為が予期できる 働きかけを意味する．母親はKとのやりとりのイニシアティブをとり続けるために，視覚的な動きやそれを繰り出すタイミング，聴覚的な刺激やその繰り返しな どをうまく利用してKの注意をガイドしていた．ものの受け渡しを可能にする条件は，以下の4つにまとめられる．(1)受け渡しを始める側がイニシアティブ をとる．(2)期待された応答がない場合は，相手の注意をガイドしてやりとりを修正する．また受け手は，(3)渡される「もの」に自分が注意を向けるだけ でなくそれを相手も注意を向けうるものとして扱う．(4)相手がイニシアティブをとった行為へ適切に応答し，目的を共有した振る舞いを行う．上の例では， 母親がその行為を調整することで(1)(2)を満たしている．しかし私たちの分析によれば，乳児が(3)(4)を満たすのは生後11〜12ヶ月になってか らである．そこで初めて，双方向のものの受け渡しが成立する．乳児をよく知る家族は，その子が言葉を発して伝えなくても(1)〜(4)を一緒に行っていく のに最適の相手である．当日の発表では，乳児がこうしたやりとりを積み重ね，失敗を糧にしながら，行為のバリエーションを増やしていく過程についての分析 を提示する．さらに上記の条件と言葉のやりとりにみられる特徴との関連についても論じる．
発話者の声の重複は，様々なコミュニケーションのモードについて考えていく上での鍵となる現象として注目されている（串田，1997; Schegloff, 2000, Stern, 1975）．乳児を含む音声インタラクションには，発声の重複が多く認められる. Stern(1975) は，養育者と4ヶ月児の音声インタラクションに，順番交替に劣らず多くの重複がみられたことを報告し，「co-actionモード」に関わるものとして， 重複の意義を示唆している．しかし，Stern (1975) の報告は全般的な音声発達研究の副次的な結果として提出されており，その後，乳児発達研究において発声の重複に注目した研究は，Wells & Corrin (2004)などの例外を除いて，ほとんど無い．そこで本研究では，自然場面での養育者-子ども間相互行為の縦断的な観察に基づいて，発声の重複の発達的 な変化を定量的に分析する．そして重複に関わる発声が，初期の原初的なものから，徐々に文化的形式に準拠した複数のパターンへ回収される過程を明らかにす る． 本研究は，乳幼児の家庭を月に一度訪問する縦断観察研究の一環としておこなわれた．調査者とカメラマンが乳児と2〜4歳の幼児のいる家庭を毎月一度ずつ 訪問し，各回２時間，養育者と乳幼児の自然なインタラクションをHDVビデオカメラで記録した．カメラマンと調査者は，一定の距離をとって参加者の活動を 撮影した．今回の分析のフォーカス月齢は生後8，18ヶ月であるため，その時点を含む3家族の動画資料を分析対象とした． 撮影された動画資料のトランスクリプトには，養育者・兄姉の発話および乳児の発声をすべて記録した．これをもとに，乳児音声の生起する前後を含めた事例 を取り出した．泣き，ぐずり発声，および宛先不明の発声は分析対象から除外した．さらに発声の重複率を測るため，ビデオサンプル内の発声の開始・終了時点 をソフトウェア（ELAN3.8.1）を用いて記録し，乳児を含む二人以上の参加者の発声が重複した秒数をExcelに書きだした．発声の重複率は，乳児 の発声時間を分母として，その時間当たりの重複時間として計算した． 乳児と養育者の重複発声は，乳児の月齢によって大きく変化した．8ヶ月児と養育者のインタラクションでは，30％近くの発声が重複していた．この月齢で は，養育者の方から乳児の発声にかぶせる形で発声するケースも多々あった．これに対して18ヶ月児と養育者のインタラクションでは，重複発話は約3％と激 減していた．ここでは，一方の発話の終了を待って他方が声を発する，順番交替の形が優勢になっていた．ただし，18ヶ月児を含むインタラクションで重複発 声が生じないわけではない．乳児と3〜4歳の幼児とのインタラクションでは，重複発声が全体の約50%に及んでいた．各ケースを詳細に見ると，幼児と 18ヶ月児のインタラクションには，両者の歌うような発声や，奇声を交えた発声が多く含まれ，それらの事例ではすべて非常に高い比率で重複がみられた． これらの結果から，発声の重複するインタラクションは，乳児と養育者との間では減衰する一方で，幼児との間では，より発展した形で展開していると考えら れる．そして生後18ヶ月の時点では，乳児はコミュニケーションモードを2つ以上獲得し，相手との関係（養育者か幼い兄姉か）に応じて，それらをスイッチ している可能性がある．従来のコミュニケーション研究の多くは順番交替の組織を中心に据えた議論を行ってきたが，これとは異なるコミュニケーションモード の形成に向けて重複発声がどのような発達的な変化を見せるのか，またコミュニケーション研究におけるその意義について今後さらに詳細な分析を行っていきた い．
子育てについての関心が今ほど高まったことはなかったかもしれない．公共的な場面でも子育て支援や家族の絆の大切さが叫ばれている．いくつもの理由がある だろう．例えば，子どもの発達を支える神経学的な基盤についての研究成果が蓄積されてきたこと，昨今の社会不安の高まりと連動するかのように，失われつつ あるものの重要性に目が向いていることなど．しかし，急速に変わりゆく社会の中でどういった家族のあり方を目指すべきかについて明確なイメージを示すこと は容易ではない． 多くの研究が明らかにしてきたように，家族のあり方は時代や地域によって異なる．そしてどんな時代や地域においても，子どもはさまざまなレベルの変化に 対応することを求められる．情報が爆発し多様な基準が併存する現代社会においては，いたずらに危機感をあおることこそ危険であろう．社会変化と呼応した社 会化のあり方の多様性や柔軟性を示し，それを可能にする仕組みを解明することが求められている．そこでこのシンポジウムでは，大きく背景を異にする社会で 長期にわたって行われたフィールドワークの成果を持ち寄り，そこでの「家族」の境界が問われうる状況に注目する．そして，家族概念がそれぞれの共同体のメ ンバーによってどのように構築され，共有され，変化するのかを検討する．これによって子育てや家族のあり方をめぐる現在の議論の風潮に一石を投じたい． まず高田明が「クン・サンにおける子ども文化と社会変容」をテーマとして話題提供を行う．梅津綾子は「オヤは一組だけではない」をテーマとして，ナイ ジェリアのハウサにおけるリコという養取(adoption)あるいは養育(fostering)の実践について報告する．川島理恵は「“お腹の赤ちゃ ん”と話すこと」をテーマとして，日本における妊婦とその家族の相互行為を分析する．高木智世は「家族の相互行為に参加すること」というテーマのもと，日 本における乳児とそのキョウダイのいる家族の相互行為場面を分析する．指定討論者として，霊長類のコミュニケーションや社会生態について研究してきた伊藤 詞子，東アジアの子どもに関するフィールドワーク経験が豊富な山本登志哉を迎える．両者は上記の４つの事例および自らの研究に基づいて，家族概念を成り立 たせる基盤についての討論を行う．
南部アフリカの先住民サンの生活スタイルは，人類社会の始原的なあり方を理解する鍵となると考えられてきた．サンでは，母親が3年以上にわたり乳幼児に密 着して授乳，養育することが知られてきた．また長い授乳期間を終えた後，子どもは多年齢からなる子ども集団にその愛着の対象を移すようになる．この子ども 集団は，サンの社会化に重要な働きを担うと言われてきた．本研究では，サンのうちでこれまでもっとも多くの研究が行われてきたジュホアンと地域的・言語的 に近縁なクンを対象として，子ども集団における相互行為の特徴について分析を行った．クンでは，乳児期の母子間でジュホアンと類似した密着した授乳，養育 パターンが認められる一方で，近年の定住化・集住化の影響を受け，1，2歳児に対して離乳が行われるようになっている．その結果，1，2歳児がふだん共住 する年長児にケアされながら子ども集団の活動に参加するようになっている．クンの子ども集団の活動においては歌／踊りがとりわけ重要である．こうした歌／ 踊りの多くは近隣の農耕牧畜民に由来する．言語的な教示が十分に理解できない1，2歳児も，歌／踊りのリズムに魅了されながら集団活動に参加する機会を 伺っている．一方，年長児は1，2歳児の行為に寛容に振る舞いながらもそれが歌／踊りの進行を妨げないように注意を払っている．また役割分担のある歌／踊 りでは，年長児が年少児に比較的易しい役割を割り振ることが多い．こうした歌／踊りでは，可視的な大人や他民族の活動が創造力の源となっている一方で，子 ども集団の活動はたいてい大人や他民族の監視の外で行われている．このため，年長児が活動のイニシアティブをとることが可能になっている．クンのこうした 活動は，相互行為におけるアクティブな役割をとることを許す「子ども文化」を育んでいる．子ども文化に見られる積極的な模倣は，社会組織を創造・再創造し ていく鍵となる．子ども文化は，社会全体の変化を推進し，さらにはその社会を再統合する力を持っている．したがって，こうした活動を丹念に分析していくこ とにより，子どもの社会化を可能にするさまざまな「意味の振る舞い」や社会変容が進行するプロセスについて，当事者の視点から理解することが可能になる． これは，サンの生活スタイルの進化史的な意義についての従来の議論には欠けていた視点である．
Western research shows that infant pointing emerges around 8-15 months and is premised on rich communicative skills that are presumably foundational to language acquisition. The acquisition of language is universal in typically developing children, but very little is known about universals of infants’ prelinguistic communication. For example, some researchers report that infants experience different amounts of referential interactional input across cultures, and that there are cultural differences among adults’ use and forms of pointing. The current study aimed at elucidating to what extend pointing and its use in a context of joint looking is a cross-culturally shared basis of infant prelinguistic communication. We employed a recent paradigm broadly analogous to a visit in an exhibit or zoo (Liszkowski & Tomasello, submitted). A standardized decoration kit of 19 items was used to set up “decorated rooms” in 7 different cultures, see Table 1. Caregivers were invited to freely explore the room with their infants and look together at the objects. We tested whether spontaneous pointing would occur in this situation and analyzed it with regard to infants’ age, frequency of use, morphology, and social contingency. Across all cultures, the context elicited infants’ and caregivers’ pointing. Overall, the earliest recording of the index-finger pointing gesture was at 7 months. From 10 months, index-finger pointing occurred consistently in above half of the infants and reached ceiling at 15 months. In all cultures, index-finger pointing was present at the common youngest age sampled (11 months). In all cultures, pointing correlated significantly with accompanying vocalizing. For infants, the total number of points and the proportion of index-finger points were not different across cultures (means= xx-xx). For parents, the total number of points was significantly higher in Rossel compared to all other cultures, with no other significant differences. The proportion of adults’ index-finger points differed significantly across cultures. Infants’ and parents’ index-finger pointing – but not other forms of hand pointing – were correlated in the overall sample, r=xx;p=…, even when controlled for age. For each culture separately, these correlations were absent in the Tzeltal, Canada, and Japan samples. Temporally contingent points to the partners’ points correlated when they were either to the same (rp) or different (XX) object. Further analyses will address the sample differences in social contingencies and adults’ pointing. Current results support the idea that pointing emerges as a shared practice of looking at things together and constitutes a universal prelinguistic basis of human communication.
Previous studies have shown that Ju|’hoan (a subgroup of the San) children were not weaned until they were four years of age. After this long period of nursing, children would then shift their strong attachment to a multi-aged child group. These characteristics are considered intrinsic to a nomadic lifestyle that requires a long period of socialization. I conducted research in North-Central Namibia among the !Xun, neighbors of the Ju|’hoan with close agro-pastoral associations, to examine child-group interactions among the San. Today, !Xun children are usually weaned during the second year after birth, and the multi-aged child group subsequently plays a significant role in childcare. The singing of, and dancing to, songs, most of which originated in agro-pastoral societies, are major activities for girls’ groups. !Xun children incorporate these new aspects into their play: Young children engage in multiparty embodied participation frameworks involving song/dance activity. Although child groups facilitate rapid changes in San society, they also enable social re-integration. The active imitation observed in their activities contributes importantly to regenerating their social organization.
Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, children of different ages play in groups, a practice that plays a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. Singing/dancing constitutes a major activity in girls’ groups, with most of the songs having originated among agro-pastoralists. !Xun children incorporate these original aspects into their own play activities. In this presentation, I will analyze how young children start engaging in such “multiparty embodied participation frameworks” (C. Goodwin, 2002) of song/dance activity. The active imitation observed in the activity is crucial for organizing subsequent action.
This presentation aims to deconstruct “culture” into the spatial and temporal organization of interactions. Using multimodal analysis of videotaped interactions (cf., Goodwin, 2002), the author explores how a variety of semiotic resources construe the specific context under which the actions of a given speech community became possible in the changing environment. The G|ui and G||ana, two groups of San, have made extensive use of the central part of the Kalahari Desert. Since they were relocated outside their previous living area, however, their rich ecological knowledge has not served them well. Even in this situation, they still show a keen perception regarding the ground conditions, for avoiding obstacles as well as for assessing animal signs, as illustrated in the following excerpt. Before this excerpt, Khou called the author’s attention to the cast of springhare. He started to tell how and where the springhare moved. He then noted that the spoors were old and further developed the story while walking.
Excerpt 1
1 Khou: = (1) [ ae: ]abe ama tshao ama (2) [ kx’oo ]
= [ Yeah ] he dug him, and [ ate ] him.
2 Txam: [ ue ]-xo xa ae tsam =an |gebi-be xo-zi
[ Every ] thing, yeah, jackals will eat anything
3 Khou: abe |okka (3) (0.9) au ora =goo-be |gaa-zi [ ||goo ]
Perhaps he (0.9) was facing the opposite way, ((when)) [ the springhare ] was eating grasses
4 Maxo: [ |gebi-m thaira ka abe ee-m xa kx’oo ]
[ Since the jackal was hungry, he ate it. ]
(1) Khou began to walk again.
(2) Khou brought his right hand around his belly.
(3) Khou brought his right hand around his belly, again, and then swung his hand.
Focus of the story shifted from the springhare onto the jackal. Khou described the particular circumstances that pertained when the jackal ate the springhare (line 1). The last part of Khou’s utterance was overlapped by Txam’s utterance, which offered a more general behavioral pattern of jackal (line 2). Following this Khou resumed his account (line 3). He imagined further details of circumstances at which the jackal attacked the springhare. The detailed description suggests that the story neared its climax. Hearers also anticipated that. Overlapping with the end of the turn, this time Maxo gave a summary of the story (line 4). Here the participants are motivated to arrive at a mutual understanding using a particular form of interactive storytelling. This activity took place according to their distinctive participation framework. For example, in response to the author’s question, the main storyteller Khou not merely continued the story but recounted and elaborated his ecological knowledge using acute observations about animal signs and his lively imagination. Txam and Maxo showed their alignment to utterances given by Khou and thereby tried to establish co-tellership with Khou. The presence of outsiders like the author encourages the G|ui/G||ana to formulate their knowledge more explicitly. In these ways, their ecological knowledge becomes ‘known’ to the participants.
このＲＴは，人文・社会科学において重要な概念である「責任」を，養育者と子どもの具体的なやりとりの中から形成されるものとして再構築する研究プロジェ クトの一環として企画された．まず，次の４つのテーマについて話題を提供していただく． 川島理恵さんからは，「“見えない存在”と関わること：妊婦と家族の相互行為分析」というテーマについて社会学の立場から話題提供をしていただく．新し いメンバーを迎える事は，家族関係の様々な側面での変容を意味する．そういった変容に向けた準備は，妊婦やその家族にとって重要な関心事の一つである．た だ，妊婦はある時期から胎動を通して胎児の存在を感じることができるが，他の家族にとって胎児はあくまで“見えない存在”である．こうした感覚的な相違 は，妊婦と家族との間に葛藤を生じさせることがある．本研究では家族関係が変容する際に生じる葛藤や問題に焦点を当て，それを特徴づけるいくつかの相互行 為のパターンを示す． 高田明は，「おなかの赤ちゃん：母子間相互行為における“母親”の生成」というテーマについて文化人類学の立場から話題提供を行う．さまざまな文化を通 じて，乳児の規則的な行動に対して母親が随伴的に自らの行動を調整していく過程が認められる．また母親はしばしば乳児の位置どりや姿勢に介入する．これら の特徴は後の相互行為の基盤を形成しており，コミュニケーションにおける身体性を考える上できわめて重要である．本研究では妊婦の日常的な相互行為を詳細 に分析することで，上記の特徴が赤ん坊の誕生以前から準備されており，母-胎児間相互行為と母-子間相互行為とが連続性のもとにとらえられることを示す． 嶋田容子さんからは，「７-14ヶ月児によるやりとり活動のための資源」いうテーマについて，発達心理学の立場から話題提供をしていただく．乳児は生後 ９ヶ月頃になると共同注意などの社会認知的な能力を発達させるようになる．それとともに，乳児はモノ（例，食べ物）のやりとり活動に参与し始める．本研究 では，家庭における７-14ヶ月児の縦断的な観察記録に基づいて，やりとり遊びが成立するために必要な相互行為上の資源について検討する．具体的には，乳 児が他者から物を受け取る場面に注目し，この場面を４つのタイプに分類する．さらに，それぞれのタイプと乳児の姿勢および視線との関連について検討する． 伊藤詞子さんからは，「ヒト・チンパンジー・チンパンジー間相互行為における姿勢と発話」というテーマについて霊長類学の立場から話題提供していただ く．本研究では，飼育下のチンパンジーに対して隔離室で定期的に行っている形態計測場面に注目する．飼育者は，形態計測に手話や音声発話を伴わせることが 多い．こうした場面では，ヒトとチンパンジー，場合によってはヒトとチンパンジーとチンパンジーの間の連携プレーがみられる．こうした場面を詳細に分析す ることで，チンパンジーの相互行為における特徴は，孤立した状況で測定される能力というよりはむしろ豊かな社会環境にさらされることで引き出されるパ フォーマンスであることを示唆する． これらの話題提供を受けて，高梨克也さんに認知科学の観点から，高木智世さんに言語学の観点から相互行為における応答がどのように組織化され，それが後 の責任の形成に関してどのように寄与しうるのかについてコメントをいただく．さらに，聴衆を含めた討論によって上記の議論が深められることを期待している．
